INFOEMATION 
SERIES  A  No. no 


PAN-AMERICANISM 


AN  ADDRESS 


(         A  5    1948 


BY 


Honorable  Robert  Lansing 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


DEUVERED  BEFORE  THE 


Second  Pan-American  Scientific  Congress 


AT 


WASHINGTON.  D.  C,  DECEMBER  27,  1915 


WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE 

1915 


PAN-AMERICANISM 


AN  ADDRESS 


BY 


Honorable  Robert  Lansing 

SECRETARY  OF  STATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


DEUVERED  BEFORE  THE 


Second  Pan-American  Scientific  Congress 


AT 


WASHINGTON.  D.  C,  DECEMBER  27,   1915 


(9cl : 


Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Congress: 

It  is  an  especial  gratification  to  me  to  address  you  to-day, 
not  only  as  the  officer  of  the  United  States  who  invited  you 
to  attend  this  great  Scientific  Congress  of  the  American 
Republics,  but  also  as  the  presiding  member  of  the  Governing 
Board  of  the  Pan-American  Union.  In  this  dual  capacity  I 
have  the  honor  and  the  pleasure  to  welcome  you,  gentlemen, 
to  the  capital  of  this  country,  in  the  full  confidence  that  your 
deliberations  will  be  of  mutual  benefit  in  your  various  spheres 
of  thought  and  research,  and  not  only  in  your  individual 
spheres  but  in  the  all-embracing  sphere  of  Pan-American 
unity  and  fraternitj'^  which  is  so  near  to  the  hearts  of  us  all. 

It  is  the  Pan-American  spirit  and  the  policy  of  Pan- 
Americanism  to  which  I  would  for  a  few  moments  direct 
your  attention  at  this  early  meeting  of  the  Congress,  since 
it  is  my  earnest  hope  that  "Pan-America"  will  be  the  keynote 
which  will  influence  your  relations  with  one  another  and 
inspire  your  thoughts  and  words. 

Nearly  a  century  has  passed  since  President  Monroe  pro- 
claimed to  the  world  his  famous  doctrine  as  the  national 
policy  of  the  United  States.  It  was  founded  on  the  principle 
that  the  safety  of  this  Republic  would  be  imperiled  by  the 
extension  of  sovereign  rights  by  a  European  power  over 
territorj'^  in  this  hemisphere.  Conceived  in  a  suspicion  of 
monarchial  institutions  and  in  a  full  sympathy  with  the 
republican  idea,  it  was  uttered  at  a  time  when  our  neighbors 
to  the  south  had  won  their  independence  and  were  gradually 
adapting  themselves  to  the  exercise  of  their  newly  acquired 
rights.  To  those  struggling  nations  the  doctrine  became  a 
shield  against  the  great  European  powers,  which  in  the  spirit 
of  the  age  coveted  political  control  over  the  rich  regions  which 

the  new-born  States  had  made  their  own. 

(3) 


The  United  States  was  then  a  small  nation,  but  a  nation 
which  had  been  tried  in  the  fire;  a  nation  whose  indomitable 
will  had  remained  unshaken  by  the  dangers  through  which 
it  had  passed.  The  announcement  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
was  a  manifestation  of  this  will.  It  was  a  courageous  thing 
for  President  Monroe  to  do.  It  meant  much  in  those  early 
days,  not  only  to  this  country  but  to  those  nations  which  were 
commencing  a  new  life  under  the  standard  of  liberty.  How 
much  it  meant  we  can  never  know,  since  for  four  decades  it 
remained  unchallenged. 

During  that  period  the  younger  Republics  of  America, 
giving  expression  to  the  virile  spirit  born  of  independence 
and  liberal  institutions,  developed  rapidly  and  set  their  feet 
firmly  on  the  path  of  national  progress  which  has  led  them 
to  that  plane  of  intellectual  and  material  prosperity  which 
they  to-day  enjoy. 

Within  recent  years  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
has  found  no  occasion,  with  the  exception  of  the  Venezuela 
boundarj^  incident,  to  remind  Europe  that  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine continues  unaltered  a  national  policy  of  this  Republic. 
The  Republics  of  America  are  no  longer  children  in  the  great 
family  of  nations.  They  have  attained  maturity.  With  enter- 
prise and  patriotic  fervor  they  are  working  out  their  several 
destinies. 

During  this  later  time,  when  the  American  nations  have 
come  into  a  realization  of  their  nationalitj^  and  are  fully 
conscious  of  the  responsibilities  and  privileges  which  are 
theirs  as  sovereign  and  independent  States,  there  has  grown 
up  a  feeling  that  the  Republics  of  this  hemisphere  constitute 
a  group  separate  and  apart  from  the  other  nations  of  the 
world,  a  group  which  is  united  by  common  ideals  and  common 
aspirations.     I  believe  that  this  feeling  is  general  throughout 


North  and  South  America,  and  that  year  by  year  it  has  in- 
creased until  it  has  become  a  potent  influence  over  our  politi- 
cal and  commercial  intercourse.  It  is  the  same  feeling  which, 
founded  on  sympathy  and  mutual  interest,  exists  among  the 
members  of  a  family.  It  is  the  tie  which  draws  together 
the  twenty-one  Republics  and  makes  of  them  the  American 
Family  of  Nations. 

This  feeling,  vague  at  first,  has  become  to-day  a  definite 
and  certain  force.  We  term  it  the  "Pan-American  spirit," 
from  which  springs  the  international  policy  of  Pan-Ameri- 
canism. It  is  that  policy  which  is  responsible  for  this  great 
gathering  of  distinguished  men,  who  represent  the  best  and 
most  advanced  thought  of  the  Americas.  It  is  a  policy  which 
tliis  Government  has  unhesitatingly  adopted  and  which  it  will 
do  all  in  its  power  to  foster  and  promote. 

When  we  attempt  to  analyze  Pan-Americanism  we  find 
that  the  essential  qualities  are  those  of  the  family — sympathy, 
helpfulness  and  a  sincere  desire  to  see  another  grow  in  pros- 
perity, absence  of  covetousness  of  another's  possessions, 
absence  of  jealousy  of  another's  prominence,  and,  above  all, 
absence  of  that  spirit  of  intrigue  which  menaces  the  domestic 
peace  of  a  neighbor.  Such  are  the  qualities  of  the  family 
tie  among  individuals,  and  such  should  be,  and  I  believe  are, 
the  qualities  which  compose  the  tie  which  unites  the  American 
Family  of  Nations. 

I  speak  only  for  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
but  in  doing  so  I  am  sure  that  I  express  sentiments  which 
will  find  an  echo  in  every  Republic  represented  here,  when 
I  say  that  the  might  of  this  country  will  never  be  exercised 
in  a  spirit  of  greed  to  wrest  from  a  neighboring  state  its 
territory  or  possessions.  The  ambitions  of  this  Republic  do 
not  lie  in  the  path  of  conquest  but  in  the  paths  of  peace  and 


6 

justice.  Whenever  and  wherever  we  can  we  will  stretch 
forth  a  hand  to  those  who  need  help.  If  the  sovereignty  of 
a  sister  Republic  is  menaced  from  overseas,  the  power  of  the 
United  States  and,  I  hope  and  believe,  the  united  power  of 
the  American  Republics  will  constitute  a  bulwark  which  will 
protect  the  independence  and  integrity  of  their  neighbor  from 
unjust  invasion  or  aggression.  The  American  Family  of 
Nations  might  well  take  for  its  motto  that  of  Dumas'  famous 
musketeers,  "One  for  all;  all  for  one." 

If  I  have  correctly  interpreted  Pan-Americanism  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  relations  of  our  Governments  with  those 
beyond  the  seas,  it  is  in  entire  harmony  with  the  Monroe 
Doctrine.  The  Monroe  Doctrine  is  a  national  policy  of  the 
United  States;  Pan-Americanism  is  an  international  policy 
of  the  Americas.  The  motives  are  to  an  extent  different;  the 
ends  sought  are  the  same.  Both  can  exist  without  impairing 
the  force  of  either.  And  both  do  exist  and,  I  trust,  will  ever 
exist  in  all  their  vigor. 

But  Pan-Americanism  extends  beyond  the  sphere  of 
politics  and  finds  its  application  in  the  varied  fields  of  human 
enterprise.  Bearing  in  mind  that  the  essential  idea  manifests 
itself  in  cooperation,  it  becomes  necessary  for  effective  coop- 
eration that  we  should  know  each  other  better  than  we  do 
now.  We  must  not  only  be  neighbors,  but  friends;  not  only 
friends,  but  intimates.  We  must  understand  one  another. 
We  must  comprehend  our  several  needs.  We  must  study  the 
phases  of  material  and  intellectual  development  which  enter 
into  the  varied  problems  of  national  progress.  We  should, 
therefore,  when  opportunity  offers,  come  together  and 
familiarize  ourselves  with  each  other's  processes  of  thought 
in  dealing  with  legal,  economic,  and  educational  questions. 

Commerce   and   industry,    science    and    art,   public   and 


private  law,  government  and  education,  all  those  great  fields 
which  invite  the  intellectual  thought  of  man,  fall  within  the 
province  of  the  deliberations  of  this  Congress.  In  the  ex- 
change of  ideas  and  comparison  of  experiences  we  will  come 
to  know  one  another  and  to  carry  to  the  nations  which  we 
represent  a  better  and  truer  knowledge  of  our  neighbors  than 
we  have  had  in  the  past.  I  believe  that  from  that  wider 
knowledge  a  mutual  esteem  and  trust  will  spring  which  will 
unite  these  Republics  more  closely  politically,  commercially, 
and  intellectually,  and  will  give  to  the  Pan-American  spirit 
an  impulse  and  power  which  it  has  never  known  before. 

The  present  epoch  is  one  which  must  bring  home  to 
every  thinking  American  the  wonderful  benefits  to  be  gained 
by  trusting  our  neighbors  and  by  being  trusted  by  them,  by 
cooperation  and  helpfulness,  by  a  dignified  regard  for  the 
rights  of  all,  and  by  living  our  national  lives  in  harmony  and 
good  will. 

Across  the  thousands  of  miles  of  the  Atlantic  we  see 
Europe  convulsed  with  the  most  terrible  conflict  which  this 
world  has  ever  witnessed;  we  see  the  manhood  of  these  great 
nations  shattered,  their  homes  ruined,  their  productive  ener- 
gies devoted  to  the  one  purpose  of  destroying  their  fellowmen. 
When  we  contemplate  the  untold  misery  which  these  once 
happy  people  are  enduring  and  the  heritage  which  they  are 
transmitting  to  succeeding  generations,  we  can  not  but  con- 
trast a  continent  at  war  and  a  continent  at  peace.  The 
spectacle  teaches  a  lesson  we  can  not  ignore. 

If  we  seek  the  dominant  ideas  in  world  politics  since  we 
became  independent  nations,  we  will  find  that  wc  won  our 
liberties  when  individualism  absorbed  men's  thoughts  and 
inspired  their  deeds.  This  idea  was  gradually  supplanted  by 
that  of  nationalism,  which  found  expression  in  the  ambitions 


8 

of  conquest  and  the  greed  for  territory  so  manifest  in  the  nine- 
teenth century.  Following  the  impulse  of  nationalism  the 
idea  of  internationalism  began  to  develop.  It  appeared  to 
be  an  increasing  influence  throughout  the  civilized  world, 
when  the  present  war  of  Empires,  that  great  manifestation 
of  nationalism,  stayed  its  progress  in  Europe  and  brought 
discouragement  to  those  who  had  hoped  that  the  new  idea 
would  usher  in  an  era  of  universal  peace  and  justice. 

While  w^e  are  not  actual  participants  in  the  momentous 
struggle  which  is  shattering  the  ideals  toward  which  civiliza- 
tion was  moving  and  is  breaking  down  those  principles  on 
which  internationalism  is  founded,  we  stand  as  anxious  spec- 
tators of  this  most  terrible  example  of  nationalism.  Let  us 
hope  that  it  is  the  final  outburst  of  the  cardinal  evils  of  that 
idea  which  has  for  nearly  a  century  spread  its  baleful  influence 
over  the  world. 

Pan-Americanism  is  an  expression  of  the  idea  of  inter- 
nationalism. America  has  become  the  guardian  of  that  idea, 
which  will  in  the  end  rule  the  world.  Pan-Americanism  is 
the  most  advanced  as  well  as  the  most  practical  form  of 
that  idea.  It  has  been  made  possible  because  of  our  geo- 
graphical isolation,  of  our  similar  political  institutions,  and 
of  our  common  conception  of  human  rights.  Since  the  Euro- 
pean war  began  other  factors  have  strengthened  tliis  natural 
bond  and  given  impulse  to  the  movement.  Never  before  have 
our  people  so  fully  realized  the  significance  of  the  words, 
"Peace"  and  "Fraternity."  Never  have  the  need  and  benefit 
of  international  cooperation  in  every  form  of  human  activity 
been  so  evident  as  they  are  to-day. 

The  path  of  opportunity  lies  plain  before  us  Americans. 
The  government  and  people  of  every  Republic  should  strive 
to  inspire  in  others  confidence  and  cooperation  by  exhibiting 


9 

integrity  of  purpose  and  equity  in  action.  Let  us  as  members 
of  this  Congress,  therefore,  meet  together  on  the  plane  of 
common  interests  and  together  seek  the  common  good. 
Whatever  is  of  common  interest,  whatever  makes  for  the 
common  good,  whatever  demands  united  effort  is  a  fit  subject 
for  applied  Pan-Americanism.  Fraternal  helpfulness  is  the 
keystone  to  the  arch.     Its  pillars  are  faith  and  justice. 

In  this  great  movement  this  congress  will,  I  believe,  play 
an  exalted  part.  You,  gentlemen,  represent  powerful  intel- 
lectual forces  in  your  respective  countries.  Together  jj^ou 
represent  the  enlightened  thought  of  the  continent.  The 
policy  of  Pan-Americanism  is  practical.  The  Pan-American 
spirit  is  ideal.  It  finds  its  source  and  being  in  the  minds  of 
thinking  men.  It  is  the  offspring  of  the  best,  the  noblest 
conception  of  international  obligation. 

With  all  earnestness,  therefore,  I  commend  to  you,  gen- 
tlemen, the  thought  of  the  American  Republics,  twenty-one 
sovereign  and  independent  nations,  bound  together  by  faith 
and  justice,  and  firmly  cemented  by  a  sympathy  which  knows 
no  superior  and  no  inferior,  but  which  recognizes  only  equality 
and  fraternity. 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAI  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


AA    000  925  887    2 


